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// area of work

public policy

Advocacy and influence on public policy for digital rights, science and technology education, youth, ethnicity and gender — as a member organization of the Coalizão Direitos na Rede and grounded in the social participation of peripheral youth.

Social, economic, racial and gender inequalities are concrete barriers to democracy being a value lived in everyday life — and peripheral youth, who feel these barriers the most, are the ones who least occupy the spaces where decisions are made.

The same goes for technology. Whoever writes the rules of the internet, sets the price of access, decides how an artificial intelligence may be used or what a platform must moderate almost never lives where those decisions hurt first. The periphery enters these conversations as a statistic, rarely as a voice.

Our answer took shape in complementary, evolving initiatives: the Youth Council (2021–2023, with the FEAC Foundation) held 22 meetings of training, active listening and advocacy; from it was born the Youth Forum, a broader, autonomous movement created and led by the young people of Campinas themselves — with 10 young fellows on the Leadership Committee, 5 territorial forums in peripheral regions, an initiative-mapping effort and the podcast “Juventude na Voz!”.

digital rights are human rights.

Casa Hacker is one of the organizations that make up the Coalizão Direitos na Rede (CDR — Rights in the Network Coalition) — a network created in 2016 and formed today by more than 40 civil society entities, university labs, activists and researchers. Our signature is on the coalition’s official list of member entities, alongside names such as Idec, Artigo 19, InternetLab, Coding Rights, Instituto Alana, Data Privacy Brasil, Aqualtune Lab, Creative Commons Brasil and Wikimedia Brasil.

We share, without reservation, the commitment the coalition makes in writing: the defense of digital rights — among them the right to access, freedom of information and expression, security and respect for privacy and personal data, and the establishment and preservation of democratic, multi-participatory governance mechanisms, including the formulation of public policy. It is the same sentence that sustains ours: defending digital rights is strengthening human rights and democracy.

In practice, this means embracing an agenda that goes far beyond what one organization could do alone — access, personal data, elections, artificial intelligence, freedom of expression, platform regulation, digital health and surveillance. And it means a choice of method: in advocacy, a peripheral organization that signs together with more than 40 others doesn’t speak louder — it speaks with institutional weight. That is why the CDR is not, for us, a network of logos, but the way we bring the periphery’s agenda to tables where, alone, we would have no seat.

what we have signed together

  • August 2020 · #CriptoAgosto. A CDR campaign on the importance of encryption in communications. Casa Hacker took the topic out of the technical circle with the talk “Everything you wanted to know about encryption” and the live stream “Encryption in real life” — what it is, why it matters and how it reaches us.
  • February 2022 · Open letter on the regulation of Artificial Intelligence. Alongside dozens of organizations, we asked that the committee of jurists in charge of the AI legal framework be expanded with gender parity and racial, ethnic and regional diversity, and that the debate leave the exclusively legal field for public hearings with those affected. Regulating AI is a cross-cutting decision, not a specialists’ topic.
  • December 2023 · Statement on the public consultation for the National Digital Government Strategy. The consultation opened for 10 business days, right over the year-end holidays. We asked for an extension until January 31, 2024: social participation is not a deadline stamp.
  • December 2023 · No to article 3 of Bill PL 3696/2023. The provision gave Ancine the power to suspend and terminate the use of works without going through the courts, with no safeguards for users’ rights. We signed against it: freedom of expression and access to culture are not to be withdrawn by administrative fiat.
  • July 2024 · Official letter to the Attorney General’s Office on the migration of telephone concessions. The Federal Court of Accounts estimated the reversible assets of fixed telephony at R$ 121 billion (BRL); the agreements approved with Oi and Vivo added up to R$ 10.4 billion, with acknowledged flaws in the valuation of 49.18% of the assets — more than a million of them valued at ZERO. A digital education organization signs a telecommunications document for one direct reason: every real discounted there is high-capacity network that stops reaching the periphery.
  • November 2025 · Akoben Anti-Racist Commitment. Together with the CDR, we signed on to the Aqualtune Lab commitment and took on objective goals for our own events — starting with guaranteeing at least one Black person in the program of every event with three or more speakers. There is no digital justice without racial justice.

from the bill’s text to the vote.

Advocacy, for us, doesn’t end at the signature. The Coalition for Feminine Genius — built from Casa Hacker and supported by Rise Up, the international leadership accelerator whose network of 800 leaders has helped pass more than 185 laws and policies worldwide — was born to give visibility to the women who generate knowledge in every corner of Brazil: riverside women of the Amazon, women of the sertão, caiçaras, girls from the favelas, the quebradas and the urban territories. And to monitor the public policies that reach those on the front line of basic education: public school teachers and principals.

The method is the same in any legislature: identify the bill, follow its progress, press lawmakers, propose changes to the wording and make the thing move.

This work did not start now, and the notes are dated. Since 2018 we have followed PLS 398/2018, now Bill PL 840/2021, with the Coalition for Feminine Genius, proposing amendments to the text. With the Coalizão Direitos na Rede we signed, among others, the February 2022 open letter on the regulation of artificial intelligence, the December 2023 note against article 3 of Bill PL 3696/2023 and the July 2024 letter to the Attorney General’s Office on the telephony concessions. What changed in 2026 was opening this monitoring to the public, in a systematic way, with Legisla STEAM, our legislative radar. It follows, in the Chamber of Deputies, the Federal Senate and ALESP, the bills that affect science and technology education in public schools and the access of girls, women and peripheral and Black people to STEAM education. From everything introduced in the three houses we get to the agenda that matters — and every bill on it has a signed position paper, with what the text says, what the substitute changed, our position and what we ask, published on the site and forwarded to committees and legislators.

The case that best shows the result is Bill PL 840/2021 (previously PLS 398/2018), which amends the National Education Guidelines Law and the Innovation Law to encourage women’s participation in science, technology, engineering, mathematics, chemistry, physics and information technology, mitigate the barriers imposed on women in these fields, and extend the deadline for completing higher education in cases of maternity and adoption. The bill’s text was changed based on suggestions submitted by the coalition — there were working meetings with the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Women and the industry ministry, and the agenda reached UN events, LatinoWare and Favela.Lab.

The bill had its rapporteur’s report approved by the Chamber’s Education Committee in October 2025 and has been at the Constitution and Justice Committee since then, with three other bills attached, awaiting the appointment of a rapporteur. We keep monitoring, and our position paper on Bill PL 840/2021 is published on Legisla STEAM — because that is how advocacy is measured: by the progress, not the event.

And at the institutional level the advocacy stays alive: we monitor education, science and technology committees, build coalitions and defend more public investment — Brazil still invests less in education and S&T than all 15 comparable countries.

We believe digital rights are human rights, that all citizens are capable of transforming their territories and taking part in the rooms of power — and that long-term change requires governments investing in education, science and technology with affirmative gender and race policies.

// what we believe
// how we work

da teoria à prática

  1. We design and support advocacy strategies for public policies on digital rights and science and technology education, along with the cross-cutting agendas of youth, ethnicity and gender.

  2. We sign and sustain collective positions as a member organization of the Coalizão Direitos na Rede — open letters, public statements and official letters to State bodies, alongside more than 40 organizations.

  3. We follow bills from text to vote with **Legisla STEAM**, our legislative radar on the Chamber of Deputies, the Federal Senate and ALESP: we read the full text, follow the substitute, publish a signed position paper and forward our suggestions to committees and legislators.

  4. We train young people in social participation, human rights, social oversight and advocacy — with territorial forums, incentive scholarships and youth leadership committees.

  5. We build coalitions — such as the Coalition for Feminine Genius, advocating on Bill PL 840/2021 (formerly PLS 398/2018) for more opportunities for women in STEAM, and the Coalizão pelo Impacto.

  6. We carry the voices of the territories into decision-making spaces — from the Citizen Budget and municipal youth councils to the National Congress.

// who makes it happen

the initiatives in this area

INC_01

Legisla STEAM

Our legislative radar monitors federal and São Paulo state bills that affect science and technology education in public schools and the access of peripheral, Black people, girls and women to STEAM education. From text to vote: we read the full text, follow the substitute, publish what we stand for and forward our suggestions to committees and legislators.

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↺ related

Legisla STEAM · legislative radar and position papers

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↺ related

Coalizão Direitos na Rede · member organization

open site →
↺ related

Akoben Anti-Racist Commitment · signed in 2025

view record →
↺ related

Youth Forum (living archive)

view record →
↺ related

Youth Council (FEAC, 2021–2023)

view record →
↺ related

Position paper · Bill PL 840/2021 (Coalition for Feminine Genius)

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// what we learn by doing

learnings from this area

browse the library →

Casa Hacker signs the Akoben Anti-Racist Commitment

Casa Hacker has signed the Akoben anti-racist commitment, brought forward by the Coalizão Direitos na Rede, taking on concrete obligations — starting with guaranteeing Black speakers at every event with three or more voices — to confront structural racism in the digital rights ecosystem.

// frequently asked questions

what people usually ask us

Is Casa Hacker — or its advocacy work — tied to any party or member of parliament?

No. We have no party affiliation, we do not endorse candidates, and we take no money from a party, a party fund or a parliamentary office. We talk to legislators of any party when the agenda is ours — and the position paper we send to one, we send to everyone reporting on that bill.

How does Casa Hacker reconcile its funders’ interests with its advocacy priorities?

Through internal controls, and we do not accept a politically exposed person (PEP) in our direct or indirect contracting. Funders have no standing power to sign off on any advocacy action: the agenda comes from our interest profile, which is published, and the position is signed by our executive leadership.

Is this lobbying?

Advocacy and lobbying are not the same thing, and the difference is not one of tone: it is who you represent and what you make public. What we do is public-interest advocacy done in the open — the position becomes a signed position paper, published before it reaches the committee, and anyone can read what we asked for and whom we asked. We do not represent third parties’ commercial interests, and we are not hired to defend anyone’s agenda.

How do you choose the bills you follow?

By a published interest profile with four axes: infrastructure and access, curriculum and teaching, girls and women in science and technology, and privacy and surveillance at school. We start from everything introduced in the three houses in the period, single out what is on topic, and read them one by one. What stays on the agenda is what actually changes science and technology education in public schools — and it stays with a signed position paper.

Who signs Casa Hacker’s positions?

The executive leadership. Every position paper is signed, dated and published: there is no position of ours that exists only in conversation.

What is strategic litigation?

An ordinary lawsuit seeks redress for whoever filed it. Strategic litigation goes the other way: it picks a case because that case exposes a flaw that is not only its own, and uses the ruling to fix the policy, the administrative practice or the reading of the law that affects everyone in the same situation. It is how civil society organisations hold the Brazilian state to what the Constitution and international treaties already promise — and what counts in the end is not the ruling: it is what changed after it.

I have an individual case. Can Casa Hacker help me with strategic litigation?

Unfortunately we do not serve individuals. If your case is an individual one, the path is the Defensoria Pública — Brazil’s public defender — in your state or city, which is free of charge. Strategic litigation seeks structural change out of a case, not the resolution of a case.

Why do you follow only the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate and ALESP?

Strategy. Casa Hacker works for long-term structural change, and it is at federal level that a decision reaches the whole country — with the force of law and the federal budget behind it. São Paulo earns its place on its own weight: more than a fifth of Brazil’s population lives there — 21.6%, by the IBGE estimate for 2026 — and a bill that succeeds at ALESP tends to become a drafting and advocacy reference for the other state assemblies.

Can I suggest a bill for the radar, or point out an error in a position paper?

You can, and we are grateful for both. Write to falae@casahacker.org with the bill number and the house. If it is an error, say which provision and why: a position paper is corrected with the article in hand, and the correction goes in dated.

I am a policy analyst and would like to contribute analysis and research.

Write to falae@casahacker.org with your proposal: what you research, what data or analysis you can add, and which of the four axes it fits. We read everything.

Can I use the slide deck and the position papers in my collective, school or council?

You can. The Legisla STEAM deck is on the site in web and PDF versions, and there is an A6 flyer ready to print. We ask only two things: do not alter our position when quoting it, and state the date — the figures change with every update.

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